Compelling People: The Hidden Qualities That Ma...
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The rules that governed review of trial proceedings contributed to the unfairness of the proceedings. The trial judge had sole authority to decide the defendants' repeated and compelling motions for a new trial. He denied them all. Appellate rules in effect at the time denied the Supreme Judicial Court the authority to review the strength of the evidence presented at trial. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts executed Sacco and Vanzetti on August 23, 1927.
Our reputation as the world's most distinguished academic scholarship rests not on the controversial life of our founder Cecil Rhodes, but on the enormous contributions our Scholars have made to the world, and the qualities sought in a Rhodes Scholar - intellectual distinction combined with concern for others, energy to lead, and a focus on public service - remain as compelling as they were over a century ago.
Colleges may look for a different set of character qualities or define these traits in different ways. But when colleges describe their ideal candidates, they often mention some qualities more than others. Here are 9 character traits that colleges often cite when they describe what they are looking for in students.
III. Strengthen Alliances to DefeatGlobal Terrorism and Work to PreventAttacks Against Us and Our Friends“Just three days removed from these events, Americans do not yet havethe distance of history. But our responsibility to history is already clear:to answer these attacks and rid the world of evil.War has beenwaged against us by stealth and deceit and murder. This nation is peaceful,but fierce when stirred to anger. The conflict was begun on the timing and termsof others. It will end in a way, and at an hour, of our choosing.”President BushWashington, D.C. (The National Cathedral)September 14, 2001The United States of America is fightinga war against terrorists of global reach. Theenemy is not a single political regime or personor religion or ideology. The enemy is terrorism—premeditated, politically motivated violenceperpetrated against innocents.In many regions, legitimate grievances preventthe emergence of a lasting peace. Such grievancesdeserve to be, and must be, addressed within apolitical process. But no cause justifies terror. TheUnited States will make no concessions to terroristdemands and strike no deals with them.We makeno distinction between terrorists and those whoknowingly harbor or provide aid to them.The struggle against global terrorism is differentfrom any other war in our history. It will be foughton many fronts against a particularly elusiveenemy over an extended period of time. Progresswill come through the persistent accumulation ofsuccesses—some seen, some unseen.Today our enemies have seen the results ofwhat civilized nations can, and will, do againstregimes that harbor, support, and use terrorism toachieve their political goals. Afghanistan has beenliberated; coalition forces continue to hunt downthe Taliban and al-Qaida. But it is not only thisbattlefield on which we will engage terrorists.Thousands of trained terrorists remain at largewith cells in North America, South America,Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and across Asia.Our priority will be first to disrupt and destroyterrorist organizations of global reach and attacktheir leadership; command, control, and communications;material support; and finances. This willhave a disabling effect upon the terrorists’ abilityto plan and operate.We will continue to encourage our regionalpartners to take up a coordinated effort thatisolates the terrorists. Once the regional campaignlocalizes the threat to a particular state, we willhelp ensure the state has the military, law enforcement,political, and financial tools necessary tofinish the task.The United States will continue to work withour allies to disrupt the financing of terrorism.Wewill identify and block the sources of funding forterrorism, freeze the assets of terrorists and thosewho support them, deny terrorists access to theinternational financial system, protect legitimatecharities from being abused by terrorists, andprevent the movement of terrorists’ assets throughalternative financial networks.However, this campaign need not be sequentialto be effective, the cumulative effect across allregions will help achieve the results we seek.We will disrupt and destroy terroristorganizations by:direct and continuous action using all theelements of national and internationalpower. Our immediate focus will be thoseterrorist organizations of global reach andany terrorist or state sponsor of terrorismwhich attempts to gain or use weapons ofmass destruction (WMD) or their precursors;defending the United States, the Americanpeople, and our interests at home andabroad by identifying and destroying thethreat before it reaches our borders.Whilethe United States will constantly strive toenlist the support of the internationalcommunity, we will not hesitate to act alone,if necessary, to exercise our right of selfdefenseby acting preemptively against suchterrorists, to prevent them from doing harmagainst our people and our country; anddenying further sponsorship, support,and sanctuary to terrorists by convincingor compelling states to accept theirsovereign responsibilities.We will also wage a war of ideas to win the battleagainst international terrorism. This includes:using the full influence of the United States,and working closely with allies and friends,to make clear that all acts of terrorism areillegitimate so that terrorism will be viewedin the same light as slavery, piracy, orgenocide: behavior that no respectablegovernment can condone or support andall must oppose;supporting moderate and moderngovernment, especially in the Muslimworld, to ensure that the conditions andideologies that promote terrorism do notfind fertile ground in any nation;diminishing the underlying conditionsthat spawn terrorism by enlisting theinternational community to focus its effortsand resources on areas most at risk; andusing effective public diplomacy to promotethe free flow of information and ideas tokindle the hopes and aspirations of freedomof those in societies ruled by the sponsors ofglobal terrorism.While we recognize that our best defense is agood offense, we are also strengthening America’shomeland security to protect against and deter attack.This Administration has proposed the largestgovernment reorganization since the TrumanAdministration created the National SecurityCouncil and the Department of Defense. Centeredon a new Department of Homeland Security andincluding a new unified military command and afundamental reordering of the FBI, our comprehensiveplan to secure the homeland encompassesevery level of government and the cooperationof the public and the private sector.This strategy will turn adversity intoopportunity. For example, emergency managementsystems will be better able to cope not just withterrorism but with all hazards. Our medicalsystem will be strengthened to manage not justbioterror, but all infectious diseases andmass-casualty dangers. Our border controls willnot just stop terrorists, but improve the efficientmovement of legitimate traffic.While our focus is protecting America, weknow that to defeat terrorism in today’s globalizedworld we need support from our allies andfriends.Wherever possible, the United States willrely on regional organizations and state powers tomeet their obligations to fight terrorism. Wheregovernments find the fight against terrorismbeyond their capacities, we will match theirwillpower and their resources with whatever helpwe and our allies can provide.As we pursue the terrorists in Afghanistan,we will continue to work with internationalorganizations such as the United Nations, as wellas non-governmental organizations, and othercountries to provide the humanitarian, political,economic, and security assistance necessary torebuild Afghanistan so that it will never againabuse its people, threaten its neighbors, andprovide a haven for terrorists.In the war against global terrorism, we willnever forget that we are ultimately fighting for ourdemocratic values and way of life. Freedom andfear are at war, and there will be no quick or easyend to this conflict. In leading the campaignagainst terrorism, we are forging new, productiveinternational relationships and redefining existingones in ways that meet the challenges of thetwenty-first century.
V. Prevent Our Enemies from Threatening Us,Our Allies, and Our Friendswith Weapons of Mass Destruction“The gravest danger to freedom lies at the crossroads of radicalism and technology.When the spread of chemical and biological and nuclear weapons,along with ballistic missile technology—when that occurs, even weak statesand small groups could attain a catastrophic power to strike great nations.Our enemies have declared this very intention, and have been caught seekingthese terrible weapons. They want the capability to blackmail us, or to harm us,or to harm our friends—and we will oppose them with all our power.”President BushWest Point, New YorkJune 1, 2002The nature of the Cold War threat required theUnited States—with our allies and friends—toemphasize deterrence of the enemy’s use of force,producing a grim strategy of mutual assureddestruction.With the collapse of the Soviet Unionand the end of the Cold War, our security environmenthas undergone profound transformation.Having moved from confrontation to cooperationas the hallmark of our relationship with Russia,the dividends are evident: an end to the balance ofterror that divided us; an historic reduction in thenuclear arsenals on both sides; and cooperation inareas such as counterterrorism and missile defensethat until recently were inconceivable.But new deadly challenges have emerged fromrogue states and terrorists. None of these contemporarythreats rival the sheer destructive powerthat was arrayed against us by the Soviet Union.However, the nature and motivations of these newadversaries, their determination to obtain destructivepowers hitherto available only to the world’sstrongest states, and the greater likelihood thatthey will use weapons of mass destruction againstus, make today’s security environment morecomplex and dangerous.In the 1990s we witnessed the emergence of asmall number of rogue states that, while differentin important ways, share a number of attributes.These states:brutalize their own people and squandertheir national resources for the personal gainof the rulers;display no regard for international law,threaten their neighbors, and callouslyviolate international treaties to which theyare party;are determined to acquire weapons of massdestruction, along with other advancedmilitary technology, to be used as threats oroffensively to achieve the aggressive designsof these regimes;sponsor terrorism around the globe; andreject basic human values and hate the UnitedStates and everything for which it stands.At the time of the Gulf War, we acquiredirrefutable proof that Iraq’s designs were notlimited to the chemical weapons it had usedagainst Iran and its own people, but also extendedto the acquisition of nuclear weapons and biologicalagents. In the past decade North Korea hasbecome the world’s principal purveyor of ballisticmissiles, and has tested increasingly capablemissiles while developing its own WMD arsenal.Other rogue regimes seek nuclear, biological, andchemical weapons as well. These states’ pursuit of,and global trade in, such weapons has become alooming threat to all nations.We must be prepared to stop rogue states andtheir terrorist clients before they are able tothreaten or use weapons of mass destructionagainst the United States and our allies andfriends. Our response must take full advantage ofstrengthened alliances, the establishment of newpartnerships with former adversaries, innovationin the use of military forces, modern technologies,including the development of an effective missiledefense system, and increased emphasis onintelligence collection and analysis.Our comprehensive strategy to combatWMD includes:Proactive counterproliferation efforts. Wemust deter and defend against the threatbefore it is unleashed.We must ensure thatkey capabilities—detection, active andpassive defenses, and counterforcecapabilities—are integrated into our defensetransformation and our homeland securitysystems. Counterproliferation must also beintegrated into the doctrine, training, andequipping of our forces and those of ourallies to ensure that we can prevail in anyconflict with WMD-armed adversaries.Strengthened nonproliferation efforts toprevent rogue states and terrorists fromacquiring the materials, technologies, andexpertise necessary for weapons of massdestruction. We will enhance diplomacy,arms control, multilateral export controls,and threat reduction assistance that impedestates and terrorists seeking WMD, andwhen necessary, interdict enabling technologiesand materials.We will continue to buildcoalitions to support these efforts, encouragingtheir increased political and financialsupport for nonproliferation and threatreduction programs. The recent G-8agreement to commit up to $20 billion to aglobal partnership against proliferationmarks a major step forward.Effective consequence management to respondto the effects of WMD use, whether by terroristsor hostile states. Minimizing the effects ofWMD use against our people will help deterthose who possess such weapons anddissuade those who seek to acquire them bypersuading enemies that they cannot attaintheir desired ends. The United States mustalso be prepared to respond to the effects ofWMD use against our forces abroad, and tohelp friends and allies if they are attacked.It has taken almost a decade for us tocomprehend the true nature of this new threat.Given the goals of rogue states and terrorists, theUnited States can no longer solely rely on a reactiveposture as we have in the past. The inabilityto deter a potential attacker, the immediacy oftoday’s threats, and the magnitude of potentialharm that could be caused by our adversaries’choice of weapons, do not permit that option.Wecannot let our enemies strike first.In the Cold War, especially following theCuban missile crisis, we faced a generallystatus quo, risk-averse adversary. Deterrencewas an effective defense. But deterrencebased only upon the threat of retaliation isless likely to work against leaders of roguestates more willing to take risks, gamblingwith the lives of their people, and the wealthof their nations.In the Cold War, weapons of mass destructionwere considered weapons of last resortwhose use risked the destruction of thosewho used them. Today, our enemies seeweapons of mass destruction as weapons ofchoice. For rogue states these weapons aretools of intimidation and military aggressionagainst their neighbors. These weapons mayalso allow these states to attempt to blackmailthe United States and our allies toprevent us from deterring or repelling theaggressive behavior of rogue states. Suchstates also see these weapons as their bestmeans of overcoming the conventionalsuperiority of the United States.Traditional concepts of deterrence will notwork against a terrorist enemy whoseavowed tactics are wanton destruction andthe targeting of innocents; whose so-calledsoldiers seek martyrdom in death and whosemost potent protection is statelessness. Theoverlap between states that sponsor terror andthose that pursue WMD compels us to action.For centuries, international law recognized thatnations need not suffer an attack before they canlawfully take action to defend themselves againstforces that present an imminent danger of attack.Legal scholars and international jurists oftenconditioned the legitimacy of preemption on theexistence of an imminent threat—most often avisible mobilization of armies, navies, and airforces preparing to attack.We must adapt the concept of imminentthreat to the capabilities and objectives of today’sadversaries. Rogue states and terrorists do notseek to attack us using conventional means.They know such attacks would fail. Instead, theyrely on acts of terror and, potentially, the use ofweapons of mass destruction—weapons that canbe easily concealed, delivered covertly, and usedwithout warning.The targets of these attacks are our militaryforces and our civilian population, in direct violationof one of the principal norms of the law ofwarfare. As was demonstrated by the losses onSeptember 11, 2001, mass civilian casualties is thespecific objective of terrorists and these losseswould be exponentially more severe if terroristsacquired and used weapons of mass destruction.The United States has long maintained theoption of preemptive actions to counter a sufficientthreat to our national security. The greaterthe threat, the greater is the risk of inaction—and the more compelling the case for takinganticipatory action to defend ourselves, even ifuncertainty remains as to the time and place ofthe enemy’s attack. To forestall or prevent suchhostile acts by our adversaries, the United Stateswill, if necessary, act preemptively.The United States will not use force in all casesto preempt emerging threats, nor should nationsuse preemption as a pretext for aggression. Yet inan age where the enemies of civilization openlyand actively seek the world’s most destructivetechnologies, the United States cannot remain idlewhile dangers gather.We will always proceed deliberately, weighingthe consequences of our actions. To supportpreemptive options, we will:build better, more integrated intelligencecapabilities to provide timely, accurate informationon threats, wherever they may emerge;coordinate closely with allies to form acommon assessment of the most dangerousthreats; andcontinue to transform our military forces toensure our ability to conduct rapid andprecise operations to achieve decisive results.The purpose of our actions will always be toeliminate a specific threat to the United States orour allies and friends. The reasons for our actionswill be clear, the force measured, and the cause just. 59ce067264